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2004 election

I’ve got an opportunity (Allah Akbar!) to do a little retrospective writing about my days on the Dean campaign, the whole DeanSpace thing in particular, and perhaps maybe get it published as part of an anthology style book. So I’m going to be writing about this.

My style is to write what I feel, and some of what I’m doing is good, I think, but off-topic. Hence, this post.

Epilogue
For a minute it seemed like we might be branching out of the mean zero-sum game of traditional politics, like we could break the old muscle game, the turf wars, the whole 51% shuffle, everyone fighting over the same endorsements, the same TV show slots, the same pool of “likely voters.” It felt like we really might grow our way to victory, take the prize simply by doing the right thing and widening the circle of participation.

Implicit in this vision was that if we went all the way, this is how the Dean Administration would be run as well. It represented the idea of a complete recapitulation of the Bush/Cheney gestalt — not just a reversal on policy, but on the means and modes of governance as well. We dreamed of building an inclusive and transparent movement that could not only win elections, but also support a true national consensus; of the re-emergence of that classic standard of democracy, the Public Interest.

It was happening, and I believed — still believe — it would have kept happening if we’d made it past Iowa.

But we got beat on the ground by a stronger machine. Kerry came back from the brink with an incredible close — his vietnam buddies, coming in via helicopter — and his organization made an 11th-hour alliance with Gov.. Tom Vilsack which really sealed the deal. A caucus is a complicated thing. Not many people show up, and it’s not at all like voting. Vilsack’s machine was strong and deep, and they made the most of the situation, easily besting our inexperienced, outnumbered, and largely out-of-state operation.

That alone would have been a crippling setback, but we also got beat like a gong on the air. The ad strategy had been off-target in the closing weeks of 2003, and the hostile media environment was taking a toll, and then there was the post-Caucus concession speech, aka “the scream.”

The scream ranks right up there with Colin Powell’s UN hustle as one of the great specific moments of failure for our media and press. It was but moment, but one that will go down in any honest history as the apotheosis of sound-bytes.

Think of it. There are no words, just a sound. “YEAAAA!” Over and over and over, just that sound.

Of course, it was taken out of context. It was essentially a live moment, a real interaction between the man on the stage and the people in the room. Footage from the crowd which surfaced after the fact shows that from the audience you could barely hear the man talk, let alone pick out a scream.

Whether it was out of context or not, the scream fit perfectly into every negative narrative. Drudge posted an audio clip before any story was written. He knew. Reporters at the scene didn’t think there was a story, but savvy observers watching via television could see. Drudge put it up, and that made it news, and that byte of sound was repeated hundreds of times across every major news outlet over the next week.

These days, and increasingly now, you have a better chance of pushing back against manipulation like this, with your own footage if you’ve got it. Think “Macacca” if you need an instance of how things have changed. But in this moment as in many, we were a bit ahead of the times. There was literally no defense, and given those were the rules of the game at the time, from a brass-tacks point of view, we deserved to lose.

And so, in New Hampshire, where we actually grew the kind of authentic grassroots ground organization that could have contended in a caucus — and which, I can add with pride, held together and has elected a couple of members of congress of late — there was a primary. There was a general uncomplicated vote for which most rank and file Democrats showed up to participate, and we finished second, and then we lost.

Glenn Greenwald:

That really is why we are in the situation we confront in Iraq. Because Richard “Only a fool — or possibly a Frenchman — could conclude otherwise” Cohen and his ilk demonized and caricatured the Howard Deans of the world as pacifist, amateur, naive, stupid, frivolous, dangerous French hippies even though everything Dean was saying was true and prescient and everything Cohen was saying was false and idiotic. And they’re still doing that.

Atrios:

Someone finally gives Dean some props.

On a more depressing note, while hunting for something I came across this article Yglesias wrote. In May. Of 2004.

I can’t believe we’re still having the same goddamn conversation.

I strongly doubt that we’ll see much of an uptick in accountability or integrity from the existing class of media figures and political pundits. They made their career choices a while ago; they live in that other world now. However, these people will probably continue to slide ever further into irrelevance.

I think we’ll look back on the late ’90s and early 2000s as a uniquely dark time in America, in which the social discourse was dominated by a broadcast media controlled and financed by a relatively small clique of elites. This isn’t to suggest any kind of conspiracy, but rather to point out how we were (and still are) led by a small and compromised cultural bubble which was easily manipulated by a sophisticated and well-financed reactionary political movement. Add that special spice (9/11 flavors), and you can pop off a really stupid war, I suppose.

If the shoe were on the other foot — and a well organized progressive political movement was doing the influencing — President Gore might have rammed health care down everyone’s throats. We must protect ourselves from bioterrorism after all, and 50 million people who are afraid to visit a doctor because of costs makes a ripe target. Those Health Insurance cartels are objectively pro-terrorist, see?

That might have been marginally better, but it might not have worked out either, especially if it was done in that forced and propagandistic way. The point is that doing things by manipulating a small culture of social elites and stupifying the masses is a poor way to run a society. It didn’t work in Soviet Russia, it didn’t work in Imperial France, and it didn’t work in Rome or any other place either, at least not for very long.

Bigger and more diverse pools of empowered decision-makers make better decisions, and can react more effectively to changing circumstances. They’re more effective, sucka. In network-speak, it’s all about fitness. Meritocracy now!

Get it? Good. Now keep it. Let’s never let this shit happen again.

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